Blackouts and Blunders

 

The Failure of Electric Power Policies in the United States

 

 

 

Power Engineers Supporting Truth

8208 Donset Drive

Springfield, Virginia  22152

www.PEST-03.org

703-569-3579

 

 

 

 

 

January 21, 2005


Blackouts and Blunders

 

The Failure of Electric Power Policies in the United States

 

The restructuring of the electric power industry in the United States has been a dismal failure, and has led to higher prices, power shortages, and blackouts – most notably, August 14, 2003.  Blackouts and Blunders: The Failure of Electric Power Policies in the United States is an honest, no-holds-barred critique of our failed electric power policies and procedures.  It is intended to provide information to government, the press and the public.  This review has been conducted by a group of experienced engineers with extensive high-level experience in the electric power industry.  While it was triggered by the August 14, 2003 Blackout, it has necessarily involved a more general concern with how national policies have affected both the cost and the reliability of electric service to American consumers.

 

Part I focuses on the roles of industry and government, particularly the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) and the Department of Energy (DOE).  It discusses problems and deficiencies in the functioning of these institutions, and suggests corrective actions.

 

Part II concerns the bulk power transmission systems.  It focuses on reliability, and examines the roles and failures of the North American Electric Reliability Council (NERC).  The roles of the Regional Reliability Councils, control areas, ISOs and RTOs are also reviewed. 

 

Both sections of the report include brief discussions of the government’s investigation of the August 14, 2003 Blackout, and call attention to some as-yet unanswered questions.  Each concludes with a number of recommendations on improving national policies. 

 

The authors welcome comments, and would be happy to provide further assistance in dealing with the issues raised in the report.  Comments may be submitted to the authors or to the PEST networking site: http://finance.groups.yahoo.com/group/pestnetworkgroup/

 

                                                            January 21, 2005

 

Jack Casazza

Frank Delea

George Loehr

 

Members – Power Engineers Supporting Truth (PEST) – a not-for-profit organization

 

(Brief resumes for the authors are given in Appendix A.)


BLACKOUTS AND BLUNDERS

 

PART I

 

DOE and FERC’s Roles

The Failure of Electric Restructuring

Causes of the August 2003 Blackout

 

 

Introduction

 

The August 2003 Blackout of the Northeastern United States and part of Canada occurred at a time of upheaval for the nation’s electric power industry.  For about a decade, the U.S. Federal Government had worked to establish a wholesale electric energy market, open to all participants.  To do so it had also pursued an ill-conceived plan to totally restructure the nation’s power supply system.  Concerns about the impact of these efforts on the reliability of supply were routinely brushed aside and ignored.  Studies of the August 2003 Blackout have identified many, but not all, of the problems that contributed to or facilitated the blackout.  Many remedial actions have been cited and some are being addressed.

 

The purpose of this document is to comment on whether all of the problems have been identified, and whether the remedial actions being taken are sufficient.  The authors believe the answer is a resounding “no!”

 

Of paramount concern is the question of whether deregulation and the restructuring of the electric power industry, as promoted by the United States Government, set the stage for the blackout.  We believe the answer to that question is a resounding “yes.”  The efforts of the Department of Energy (DOE) and the Federal Energy Regulatory Agency (FERC) to restructure the electric utility industry in order to facilitate wholesale power transactions, as mandated by the 1992 Energy Policy Act (EPAct92), were major contributors to the blackout.

 

The EPAct92 provided for the creation of exempt wholesale generators (EWGs), exempt from regulation in a wholesale electric market.  To enable these EWGs to compete, the law also gave FERC authority to order public utilities with transmission facilities to provide wholesale transmission services to others on the same basis as they provided to their own generation; this is known as “open access.”  The hope and rationale underlying the EPAct92 was that entrepreneurs entering the electric market would provide competition, thereby lowering the price of electricity to consumers.  Meanwhile, the high reliability of supply that was a characteristic of the US electric industry and distinguishes it from those of third world countries would be maintained.

 

Implementation of the provisions of the law fell to the FERC, which in turn published and continues to publish orders and directives addressing a variety of issues impacting the new market.[1]  Most of its focus was on ensuring non-discriminatory open access to the nation’s transmission grid.  It is apparent to many that FERC has in fact failed to establish a widespread wholesale electric market which is reliable, free from manipulation, and able to provide low cost electricity.  In the process of trying to establish the framework for a wholesale electric energy market, both FERC and DOE have paid inadequate attention to maintaining the high standard of service reliability U.S. customers have come to expect and demand.  At a more fundamental level, the assumption that a viable and reliable wholesale electric market can be developed was and still is unproven.

 

The comment is often heard that the nation’s electric grid is inadequate to accommodate the wholesale power transactions contemplated by policy makers.  It is! It was never designed with that objective in mind.  Instead of acknowledging this fact, policy makers have attempted to paper over it by a series of bureaucratic actions:

 

·       Government policies required the separation of responsibility for generation from the responsibility for transmission.  In many instances, this lead to the breaking up of vertically organized utilities which had overall responsibility for the reliability of supply – without the formation of an adequate alternate, thereby increasing the probability of system failures.

 

·       Massive restructuring has resulted in many new participants entering the industry, increasing the complexity of operations and planning.  Many of the new participants lack experience in the operation of power systems and are concerned mainly with profits for their companies.

 

·       One of the many results of this fracturing of the industry into competitors is that the traditional spirit of cooperation, which was a hallmark of the industry for decades, was significantly weakened.  For example, companies began to withhold information of commercial use to competitors, but important from a reliability coordination viewpoint.

 

·       FERC policies mandated the establishment of new organizations to manage the transmission system and the new markets, thereby adding a new layer of operational complexity.  Then, in the  approval process for these new organizations, FERC focused primarily on issues impacting the commercial functioning of markets, not their reliable operation.

 

·       FERC did not ensure that these new organizations had sufficient, well trained staff, clear operational instructions, and adequate communication and control systems to deal with the increase in operational complexity which FERC itself was causing.  Instead, FERC relied on the North American Electric Reliability Council (NERC) for advice on and control of reliability matters – while at the same time publicly acknowledging NERC’s lack of authority.

 

·       One particularly onerous requirement was the establishment of a stakeholder process, wherein each commercial participant, no matter what its role or responsibility, is effectively given veto power over reliability.

 

·       Government authorities acquiesced in weakening of the existing reliability criteria while they should have been mandating more stringent criteria in recognition of the increase in operational complexity they had caused.

 

·       FERC rather blindly went ahead without any provision or plan as to how additions to strengthen the grid would be financed and built.

 

Bad enough that the actions of policy makers had a distinctly negative impact on the reliability of electric supply in the nation, but their efforts have even failed to achieve the goal of producing lower cost electrical energy to the American consuming public. 

 

The goal of a more efficient market has been treated as a truism in numerous DOE sponsored studies, and has been supported by a number of flawed after-the-fact studies. No one has as yet produced an unbiased study demonstrating the supposed savings from the new market.  Studies to date, usually by market proponents, have either claimed savings without acknowledging those wholesale sales that would have been in effect absent any market restructuring, have not addressed the significant burden of additional costs to manage the new market, or have claimed savings that are so marginal as to be laughable.

 

Contrary to the many statements made by government officials, our electric system is not that of a third world country, but it could become so if market enhancement and market structure remain the dominant driving forces.  The authors of the DOE’s Blackout Report, however, continue to worship at the altar of market forces.  “Market mechanisms should be used where possible.”[2]  One only need look as far as California to have doubts about the ability of government and industry to set up and run an open and transparent market for electricity.[3] 

 

The DOE’s Blackout Report does recognize that changes in industry structure have resulted in the increased transmission of electric power.  Add to this the increase in the number of participants, the complexity of transactions involved, the lack of technical knowledge of those setting policy in government and in industry, and the growing concern with profits rather than reliability, and you have a prescription for disaster.  The DOE Report does not address these issues.  It does, however, recommend the “commission of an independent study of the relationships among industry restructuring, competition, and reliability.”  FERC, in its April 2004 response to the final blackout report, recognized that it had failed to consider the impact of its decisions on reliability.  Yet, inexplicably, as of the beginning of 2005, no follow-up action has been taken by either FERC or DOE to implement this recommendation.

 

We have reviewed the relevant policies, roles and activities of governmental agencies and other organizations involved in the electric power industry.  We believe their actions both set the stage for and contributed to major system blackouts and instances of corrupt manipulation of electric power markets.

 

 

The Need for Technical Competence for Policy Makers and Managers

 

The DOE Blackout Report identifies the failure to transfer lessons learned from past blackouts as an important contributor to the August 2003 Blackout.  While it stresses the urgency for prompt adoption of its recommendations, including the need to properly train operators, the report fails to take the next step and address the importance of the qualifications of the individuals appointed to enforce them.  For many years, appointments to top policy positions in FERC, DOE and other key government agencies – and in the electric power industry – have lacked the necessary technical backgrounds.  While government policy has attempted to improve the competence of appointees to positions requiring technical and scientific knowledge, political considerations still govern.  (See Appendix B.)

 

Past experience has shown that having technical standards and procedures to govern the operation of the industry is not as important as the qualifications of the individuals appointed to apply and enforce those standards and procedures.  In response to the new preeminence of market concerns, appointments to key industry regulatory and reliability organizations, operating entities, and planning and operating positions in utility companies consist of individuals totally lacking in technical experience.  Many appointees to key electric energy policy positions, such as FERC Commissioners, do not have experience relevant for their positions, or are beholden to certain segments of the industry.  

 

A significant contributor has been the lack of technical competence of power industry executives and managers.  In many cases the lack of technical and economic understanding of electric power systems, and an obsession with immediate profits, has led to Board of Director approval of company policies and extensive incentive programs, which has often led to unethical and sometimes illegal practices.  Appointments of key managers have too often been based on their marketing skills rather than their ability to plan, design and operate a power system that will meet the public’s needs economically.

 

The Government’s Role

 

Recent years have witnessed an increasing politicization of technological decisions.  Almost every organization is proud to claim it has representation from all stakeholder groups.  Both the DOE and FERC rely on stakeholder views as a key input to their decisions. Who are these stakeholders?  They largely consist of organizations having significant commercial, political or personal power interests. Deregulation and restructuring have passed control of key decisions from experienced personnel to new appointees focused on the market and profits.  Consequently, the importance of the Laws of Physics in electric power system planning and operations is either ignored or dismissed.

 

An unfortunate outgrowth of this trend has been the efforts by the Federal Government to take control of key technical decisions.  In spite of warnings, FERC became obsessed with implementing market forces.  For example, it approved the operation of the Midwest ISO organization before it was capable of meeting its reliability obligations.  FERC could have and should have exercised more technical oversight in its approval processes

 

The DOE’s Blackout Report argues for taking control of NERC funding away from those with whom NERC deals in the industry, and recommends increased government regulatory control over technical operations.  While NERC and the reliability councils certainly need improvement, the pros and cons of such a step need careful evaluation, lest such a change make matters worse.

 

The Role of DOE

 

The Department of Energy (DOE) has sponsored a series of studies addressing issues attendant to implementing a wholesale electric market.  These studies have been based on the premise that such a market could be established, and that it would achieve lower costs to consumers while maintaining a reliable system. It was assumed by the report writers and many academics unfamiliar with the operation of the electric system that market forces could be put into place which would ensure a reliable system.

 

The entire governmental approach for achieving reliability has been focused on institutional mechanisms and market forces rather than on the Laws of Physics. It is an approach heavily dominated by lawyers and economists who ignore past experience for achieving reliability and the need to coordinate technical and institutional solutions. 

In many cases, those who implemented industry changes were ill suited to the tasks with which they were charged. They either lacked the necessary technical background or came to the task with pre-conceived biases. As a result, their efforts were flawed in many ways.

 

Of overriding concern is the unproven assumption that the market will solve all problems, most specifically the need to maintain a reliable system.

 

 

The Role of FERC

 

In April 1996, FERC issued Orders 888 and 889.  Order 888 is entitled, in part, “Promoting Wholesale Competition through Open Access Non-discriminatory Transmission Services by Public Utilities.”  FERC stated that it wanted “to remedy undue discrimination in access to the monopoly owned transmission wires that control whether and to whom electricity can be transported in interstate commerce.”  It estimated that the potential quantitative benefits from the Final Rule were approximately $3.8 to $5.4 billion dollars per year.  The FERC evaluations failed to compare the benefits from the new procedures with the benefits in excess of $15 billion per year that had been produced by former cooperative procedures.[4] 

 

As part of this rulemaking, FERC started its restructuring of the industry by requiring vertically integrated private utilities to separate their generation and transmission functions, losing considerable benefits that had been achieved by coordination of transmission and generation.

 

Perhaps FERC is finally beginning to revise its policies.  It recently created an Office of Reliability, and it will now verify a proposed ISO’s ability to operate reliably prior to giving its approval.  It is unfortunate that it took a massive blackout to get to this point.  But it demonstrates the futility of any system that relies on policymakers lacking the requisite expertise.

 

Response of Companies to the New Environment:

A “Profits Now” Mentality

 

The Government has ignored the effects of its policies on the decisions of companies involved in the electric power industry.  The increasing stress on “profits now” has resulted in sharp reductions in personnel; not only administrative staff but operating staffs as well.  U.S. Department of Labor data shows that, over ten years, employment in electric generation declined from 350,000 to 280,000 and employment in transmission and distribution declined from 196,000 to 156,000.  These reductions have had significant impacts on the availability of trained people to deal with emergencies such as blackouts and major storms, as well as on the ability to adequately train personnel and transfer past lessons to the next generation.  The policies have also had a major impact on expenditures for maintenance; these have fallen nationally to about 60% of prior amounts.  And yet reductions continue, and un-maintained equipment continues to deteriorate. 

 

The transcripts of the discussions between system operators on August 14, 2003 clearly show the stress being placed on profits even while the system was in dire straits.  There is no discussion of this issue in the DOE Blackout Report.

 

The philosophy that electricity prices can be lowered by market forces has had other unintended consequences.  Companies, both regulated and unregulated, have resorted to actions which have had serious negative effects.  Continually mounting evidence points to the unethical and illegal means used by some unregulated companies involved in the wholesale energy and trading markets to increase their profits, benefiting executives with large bonuses but deceiving investors.  Nor have regulated companies been immune from taking actions deleterious to reliability.  Many companies have resorted to drastic reductions in personnel, training and maintenance under the guise of lowering the cost of electricity. Unfortunately, these actions can contribute to reliability problems as equipment fails and personnel are not able to perform their jobs.

 

Efforts to Establish Wholesale Electricity Markets

 

In response to FERC’s directives, a number of wholesale markets have been established. Unfortunately, the rush to establish them was at the expense of any careful consideration of their exposure to manipulation, to the increased complexity of operations, and to the attendant requirements needed to maintain reliable service.  Complicating matters, FERC has attempted to implement markets in a piecemeal and seemingly uncoordinated manner.  This has resulted in a mishmash of different market rules across the country, each with its own set of weaknesses.  Some were more flawed than others; e.g., the rules of the California ISO in the late 1990s and early 2000s.  A Standard Market Design (SMD) based on Location-based Market Pricing (LMP) was established without adequately addressing the issues of how to ensure that there would be sufficient generation and transmission capacity.[5] 

 

A functioning competitive market has a number of characteristics.  It assumes that there are economic forces which will balance demand with supply. As structured, however, the electric industry lacks this fundamental requirement.  Electric customers for the most part do not see the financial impacts of their decisions to use electricity until well after the fact.  In times of short supply, there is a no price sensitive demand reduction mechanism in place.  This situation results in suppliers being able to raise their prices in the spot market with little or no restraint.

 

There are other characteristics of the electric industry which exacerbate the difficulties of establishing a competitive wholesale electric market:

 

·       When shortages of supply are expected, electricity cannot be stored to accommodate later increases in demand.  There are no “warehouses” as in other commodity industries where large inventories can be maintained for such situations.

·       Although the industry has the physical capability to disconnect large undifferentiated groups of customers when there is insufficient electric capacity, it cannot disconnect select customers who are unwilling to purchase electricity when there is sufficient capacity but the price is too high.

·       When there is a capacity shortage, the time required to provide new generating capacity or to implement demand reductions by increased use of efficient appliances and processes is measured in years.

·       The wholesale market envisioned by policy makers encompasses large geographic regions of the country.  The existing transmission system was not planned for such a mission.  No preplanning of the transmission infrastructure required to support such a large market was done, much less implemented, before markets were approved for operation.  Such a process is still not in place.

·       A viable wholesale market covering large geographic areas needs a consistent set of rules, both commercial and operational.  This requirement reflects the reality that electricity flows over transmission systems based solely on the laws of physics and not on organizational or commercial boundaries.

·       The impact of non-consistent market rules did not become evident to policy planners until well after they began implementing their own policies.  To this day, this has not been adequately addressed.  FERC has proposed a Standard Market Design so that commercial rules would be consistent across the nation, but this proposal has met vigorous political opposition and is essentially in limbo.

·       The  practice of approving power sale contracts using transmission “contract paths” ignores the fact that power flows via many parallel transmission paths based on the electrical characteristics of the transmission lines, often causing problems in other systems.

·       Since the August 2003 Blackout, FERC has gone to great lengths to maintain that it has no jurisdiction over the operational rules impacting the reliable operation of the industry.  It has relied on continued voluntary compliance with industry reliability rules developed by NERC and the Regional Reliability Councils.  There is a widespread belief that, for the reliability of a viable market, these rules must be mandatory.  This point is arguable, and will be discussed in Part II of this report.  Even so, attempts to secure Congressional approval of a process for establishing mandatory rules have been stalled for over four years.

 

Faith in Market Forces

 

Various DOE studies made prior to the August 14th Blackout reviewed examples of transmission (economic) congestion.  These studies counted on “market forces” to provide transmission reinforcements to relieve constraints.  But the entire government approach for achieving reliability has been focused on institutional mechanisms and market forces rather than on the Laws of Physics.  It is an approach heavily dominated by lawyers and economists.  And it ignores past experience for achieving reliability and the need to coordinate technical and institutional factors. 

 

Those knowledgeable in the physics of planning and operating transmission systems believe strongly that market forces will never be able to provide a reliable and low cost system to meet future needs.  The design of such systems is a complex technical task requiring extensive coordination and consideration of many technical design issues.

 

Manipulation of the Process

 

DOE’s studies and FERC’s activities have all been heavily influenced by the views and policies proposed and supported by the lobbying efforts of the new entrants into the electric power industry: merchant power plant owners/operators and power marketers. Their efforts have included influencing the political aspects of the process.  Enron was a leading proponent of industry restructuring, and took actions to influence the restructuring process at both the national and state levels.  It believed that such restructuring offered great opportunities for profits.  Enron even exerted influence over government appointments.  As discussed in Appendix B, the emphasis on past political and business affiliations of government appointees was a key factor in such manipulation.  

 

Setting Public Policy

 

In recent years there has been an increasing emphasis on public involvement in policy decisions, particularly in areas involving the environment, energy, and health.  This participation has often been through public hearings, formation of new organizations, and political activities.  All of these involve the collection, review and analysis of information, and advocacy of specific viewpoints.  While review of past data is essential, the ability to project future developments and the consequences of alternative policies is the main objective.  The results of this projection process have important commercial effects, altering the future profits of various companies.  They also have a political impact and both short-term and long-lasting consequences for society. 

 

As a result, commercial and political organizations mount campaigns to convince the public that their position is the best for society.  In the process, public relations experts and lobbyists have become the media through which various points of view are argued.  Unfortunately, those presenting the argument are essentially “hired guns” paid to achieve a certain result.  Large funds are provided by those with sufficient monetary resources, with the general public left out.  In other words, dollars, not people, are voting. 

 

Almost every organization involved in technical activities, from regulation to research, establishes an advisory committee or board which includes “stakeholders.”  The belief is that this procedure will build the consensus needed to develop good policies.  This would be true if the stakeholders had the required technical and economic background and experience.  But stakeholders generally have financial, political, or personal power concerns.  Only if they provide a fair representation of the population their decisions affect will this approach achieve the desired result – good policy for all those affected, whether consumers, stakeholders, employees, or the general public.

 

To assist the democratic process, the general public must be better informed.  Better understanding by the media, who often print information provided to them with little investigation of its correctness, is central.  It is essential that the public gain a better understanding of how power systems work, so that individuals can better assess the key issues.

 

Need for a National Power Survey

 

A number of times in history, the U.S. government became concerned with major decisions affecting electric power systems.  In 1924, 1941, 1964, and 1975, National Power Surveys were made to determine overall national transmission requirements.  They  provided guidance to government and industry, with considerable benefits to consumers.  It’s time for a new National Power Survey.

 

Such a survey would not provide a blueprint, but a guide for those in the ISOs/RTOs who would plan specific transmission and other reinforcements.  It would also review the effects of various market policies on transmission requirements.  If we blindly try to expand and reinforce the transmission grids, and make transmission additions piecemeal based on profits – or if transmission is added on a “generation project by generation project” basis without considering other impacts or the needs of other projects – overall reliability will be compromised and a lot of ratepayer’s money wasted.  

 

Recommendations

 

1.     Initiate action on a key recommendation in the DOE Blackout Report by appointing a Task Force to investigate the relationship of restructuring, competition, and reliability.  This task force should be appointed by Congress and should include analyses of FERC, DOE, and industry actions.  Its members should be limited to experts who are unaffiliated with any organizations having commercial interests in the electric power industry.

2.     Perform a “National Power Survey” to provide the framework for future transmission system development.  This should include analyses of long term future transmission needs and technical requirements for the national transmission grid.[6]  It should also evaluate the size and complexity of the present synchronous interconnections, and the advantages and disadvantages of dividing them into smaller areas.  The effect of various market policies on transmission system design and costs should be included.

3.     Develop standards for the technical qualifications required for key government and industry positions responsible for establishing electric power policies and for management, design and operation of the transmission grid.  (See Appendix B.)  Technical qualifications should be established as soon as possible for all top government and regulatory positions that involve supervision and policy direction of the electric utility industry.  These should be a key factor in selecting individuals for management and executive positions.

4.     Stress education of the press, media and the general public to bring about a better understanding of how electric power systems work and the effects of proposed new policies.

5.     Insure that only competent, experienced, independent power system engineers, unaffiliated with any commercial interests, be involved in any oversight of utility planning and operations.

6.     Review reasons why past technical and economic knowledge about power systems has not been transferred to the current generation.[7]


 

PART II

 

NERC and Industry Organizations

The Bulk Power Transmission System

Blackout Report Deficiencies

Control Areas, RTOs and ISOs

Introduction

 

The operation of the bulk power electric system in the United States is the responsibility of approximately 150 control areas.  Historically, the main function of these control areas was to ensure that sufficient generation would be available day to day and hour to hour to meet anticipated customer requirements for electricity.[8]  The control areas performed this function using specific rules established by the nine (and later ten) regional reliability organizations, operating under guidelines established by the North American Electric Reliability Council (NERC). 

 

Following the passage of the Energy Policy Act of 1992, changes occurred in the structure of these organizations in response to governmental direction.  Additionally, to accommodate the directions of FERC in its attempt to create a wholesale electric market, new organizations – Independent System Operators (ISOs) and Regional Transmission Organizations (RTOs) – were put into place.

 

All private utilities were required to build “firewalls” between those parts of their companies involved in the generation and those involved in transmission.  At the same time, the process of “deregulation” or “restructuring” proceeded in many states and provinces.  The key change was to go a step further and separate the ownership of generating resources and high voltage transmission.  The former vertically integrated electric utilities in these states (except utilities which were publicly owned) sold essentially all of their generating facilities to independent generating companies.  In the new parlance, the former utilities are known as “transmission owners.”

 

These changes have greatly increased the complexity of operating the electric grid, resulting in increased pressures on the ability of operators to maintain reliability.  They have also increased costs to the consumer.  Evidence of these impacts is demonstrated by the supply crisis in California and the August 14, 2003 Blackout.

 

 

 

 

A. The Bulk Power Transmission System

 

 

Third World Grid

 

An idea widely circulated since the August 14, 2003 Blackout is the myth of the “Third World Grid.”  It has been promulgated by government and industry officials, federal regulators, academics, and the popular press.  Yet it is nothing but a myth.  The argument goes that the U.S. has an “antiquated” bulk power transmission system more typical of a third world country than a modern industrial giant.  Thus, what we need in order to avoid blackouts in the future is to build massive amounts of new high voltage transmission – at a cost possibly as high as $100 billion, which ratepayers, investors or taxpayers will have to pay for.

 

Third world grid?  Nothing could be further from the truth.

 

The electric power systems of North America (the continental United States and Canada) consist of four synchronous interconnections, or grids.  In each of these grids the generating resources are all connected to a common transmission system.  Disturbances at any location on any one grid are felt by all those connected to that grid.  The Eastern Interconnection is the largest, with a peak demand approaching 600,000 MW.  The Western Interconnection has a peak of about 130,000 MW, the ERCOT (Texas) Interconnection approximately 60,000 MW, and the Quebec Interconnection about 30,000 MW.  They all can exchange power with their neighbors by means of one or more of the following mechanisms:

            • Isolated generation – generating units are disconnected from their own grid and

synchronized with a neighboring grid;

            • Isolated load – electrical load is disconnected from its own grid and

synchronized with a neighboring grid;

            • High Voltage Direct Current (HVDC) transmission ties.

 

The Eastern Interconnection encompasses more than half of the geographic area of the continental U.S. and Canada, and some 70% of the combined electrical load of the two countries.  Its peak electrical demand approaches 600,000 MW.  In terms of both size and complexity, there is nothing comparable anywhere else in the world.  If we did have a “third world grid,” the August 14, 2003 Blackout would not – could not – have happened.  Nor would we have a complex, 600,000 MW grid.  As Slate Magazine stated shortly after the 2003 Blackout, this was “a first world blackout.”  But it does raise the question of whether the Eastern Interconnection has become too large, and whether the demands placed upon it by the restructuring efforts of Congress and FERC are too complex.

 

 


Complications of Restructuring[FJD1] 

 

As discussed earlier, restructuring has caused a large impact on the reliability of our transmission systems.  Some of the changes having effects on reliability are:

 

Ø     An aging transmission infrastructure

Ø     Aging and downsized work force

Ø     Decreased personnel training

Ø     Cutbacks on system maintenance

Ø     Market driven transmission

Ø     Increased dependence on communications and computer systems

Ø     Many more participants complicating operations

 

All of these make maintaining reliability more difficult, increasing NERC’s problems.[9]

 

More Transmission – Greater Reliability?

 

The “third world grid” myth has encouraged the notion that more transmission equals greater reliability.  This, too, is totally incorrect.  Reliability is a function of the standards or criteria used to plan and operate a grid, and how well they are complied with; it is not a function of the amount of wire in the air.  More transmission increases the capability of a grid to move power from place to place – but, in and of itself, it does not improve reliability.

 

A distinction must be made between, on the one hand, the capability of a grid to support commercial transactions, and reliability on the other hand.  More transmission, if properly planned, can and will increase the ability of the grid to transfer larger amounts of electric power, but reliability will remain the same as long as the same criteria or standards are used.  Only more stringent standards will make the system more reliable.  More transmission serves the interests of generating companies and power marketers, but does not improve the reliability of the transmission system. 

 

In fact, an increase in transmission, without an increase in the stringency of planning and operating criteria, could make the grid less reliable.  Adding transmission to an existing synchronous interconnection makes the grid electrically smaller.[10]  Thus New York becomes closer to Atlanta, Chicago closer to New Orleans, Toronto to Miami.  In this electrically smaller grid, any given disturbance will adversely affect a wider geographic area.  It is perhaps no accident that the 2003 Blackout encompassed a much larger area than the 1965 Blackout[FJD2] .

 

To accommodate higher levels of interregional power flows, more transmission may well be desirable.  However, no study has been performed to identify the size, nature, or location of any transmission changes.  Nor has any evaluation been made of who would benefit from and who should pay for any transmission additions. 

 

To prevent the spread of power disturbances over a large grid, one proposed solution is to sectionalize the two larger grids into a series of smaller synchronous interconnections, tied together by the use of HVDC transmission.[11]  Such an arrangement would provide better control of power flows and constrain any wide-scale power disturbances that might otherwise occur, simplify market operations, retain for each region control of its own policies, and improve national security.

 

B.  Blackout Report Deficiencies

 

The final reports on the August 14, 2003 Blackout by the US-Canada task force and by NERC provided a great deal of information but omitted answers to a number of key technical questions that are important to establishing future policies:

 

1.     Transmission lines in the ECAR area are generally equipped to automatically reclose after a fault occurs and is cleared.  The initial tree contacts for the lines involved would create a huge arc and should have burned off the tops of the trees causing contacts.  The automatic reclosing should have restored the line to service.  Why didn’t it?

2.     Apparently, 40% of the generators tripped unnecessarily as a result of their protective relaying.  Of concern is the degree to which these unnecessary trips contributed to the cascading outage that occurred.  If these generators had not tripped, would the blackout have been less extensive, or restoration faster?

3.     There is no discussion in the government (or NERC) reports on the effects if some of the transmission ties to other regions had not tripped.  One possibility is that sufficient stabilization power would have been contributed from other regions to have limited the extent of the disturbance.  Or, the disturbance could have been far more extensive.  The answer to this question is important in determining the design of future transmission grids.

4.     The times taken to restore customer service following collapse of the bulk power system were unconscionably and unacceptably long in many places.  Why system restoration in much of the affected area was measured in days rather than minutes or hours should be investigated.

 

 

 

 

 

C.  NERC and the Regional Councils

 

NERC and its Reliability Standards

 

In the first 65 years of the 20th Century, most electric utility companies established and maintained their own planning and operating standards – or “criteria,” as engineers more typically refer to them.  But the November 9, 1965 Northeast Blackout changed everything.  The need for better cooperation and coordination was immediately understood, and the industry responded by establishing Regional Reliability Councils – one of whose responsibilities was to establish and maintain regional reliability criteria (standards).  By the late 1960s, virtually all continental U.S. and many Canadian power systems belonged to[FJD3]  these councils, and were committed to planning and operating their systems according to their respective regional standards.

 

In 1968, the National Electric Reliability Council (NERC) was formed.  As more Canadian systems became involved, NERC changed its name to the North American Electric Reliability Council.  Early standards or criteria in NERC were limited to guidelines – statements of items that should be included in the regional councils’ reliability criteria.  In a few years NERC merged with NAPSIC.  NAPSIC’s more specific operating criteria, based on the familiar “n-1” concept, were adopted by NERC.  But the definition of what constituted “n-1” was left to the regions.[12]

 

By the 1990s, NERC had established more specific standards for bulk power system planning and operations, but these were clearly intended as minimum standards – a sort of reliability “floor.”  Any Regional Reliability Council could include more stringent requirements in its standards, and most did.  This approach has served the industry and the customers well, and remains in place today.

 

The reliability criteria in effect in each region were created at a time when virtually all utilities were vertically integrated and had responsibility for both resource adequacy and transmission reliability in their service areas. [FJD4]  Although there was no open access to the transmission system as understood today, transmission was built to accommodate large scale power transfers within and between regions, usually linked to specific projects.  Examples include the Southern/TVA 500 kV development, Niagara/St. Lawrence hydroelectric power to New York City, PJM/Minemouth to the New Jersey-Washington megalopolis, Pacific Northwest to California, Hydro-Quebec to New York, Hydro-Quebec/New England Phases 1 & 2, Four Corners to Los Angeles, the Intermountain Project, etc.

 

Today’s criteria may have been appropriate before deregulation and “open access,” but the authors strongly believe that they are not appropriate now.  There is a need for more stringent criteria in the open access environment.

 

NERC’s New Role

 

In a deregulated electric power industry, with separation of the generation and transmission functions, NERC’s role has changed.  It now represents interests with different and, at times, divergent views regarding the operation of the bulk power system; generating entities are more concerned about selling electricity, and transmission entities more with maintaining a reliable system.

 

The authors believe that NERC cannot represent commercial and reliability interests simultaneously.  FERC has ruled that the transmission and generation functions in each company may not communicate with one another.  But NERC has both generation and transmission interests voting on reliability criteria.  Over the past few years, the industry has tried to adapt to the new environment.  This has resulted in an organization which is politically correct, but ineffective in dealing with its real purpose: assuring the reliability of the grid.

 

Two examples of how this has occurred can be cited:

 

              The NERC Board of Trustees;

  NERC’s Process for Approving Standards.

 

Criteria for Selecting Trustees

 

NERC is governed by a Board of Trustees.  The qualifications considered for election to the Board have changed with the nation’s restructuring effort and the change in the role of NERC.  Its members no longer have technical backgrounds in the electric utility industry, but rather backgrounds one would expect to see in a commercial enterprise.

 

Only a few of the fourteen NERC Board Members have had actual hands-on experience in electric power systems design, operation, or management.  Only two are members of the professional organization of electric power engineers.  Those concerned with operation of the market are a controlling voice in NERC decisions and policies, while those with technical concerns constitute a small minority.

 

Present selection criteria for trustees appear to stress legal, financial and regulatory experience, apparently to facilitate the establishment of wholesale commercial markets.  However, the primary mission of NERC was and remains the reliable operation of the nation’s bulk power electric system – not its commercial operation.  NERC should be a bulwark against the degradation of reliability to facilitate commercial activity.

 

The potential for conflict of interest is also a concern.  Individuals with legal or financial affiliations have been selected as trustees, yet large investment banking firms are entering the wholesale generation business at an increasing rate.  The former often have significant ties to the latter.

 

NERC’s Process for Establishing or Modifying Reliability Standards

 

NERC’s process for reviewing, establishing and modifying criteria is incredibly long, complex, and cumbersome.  It can take years for a standard to be approved and implemented. 

 

Even more of a problem, though, is its voting system for approving new or modified standards.  There are nine balloting “segments,” each purporting to represent some portion of the electric power industry.  In effect, every segment has an equal weighting.  The affirmative vote percentages in the nine segments are averaged, and that must equal at least two-thirds to approve a standard. 

 

The problem lies in the composition of the various segments.  All of the regional reliability councils, ISOs, RTOs, and other reliability entities are lumped into a single segment – yet these organizations constitute the only participants with no commercial interests and a primary commitment to reliability.  All of the other segments represent various commercial interests, and reliability is mostly a secondary priority.  Further, the number of entities in the segments varies widely.  In a recent vote, for example, there were 49 entities in the RTO/ISO/Regional Council ballot pool, but only a single entity in each of the two End Use segments.  Thus the vote of each of two end users carried the same weight as 49 entities specializing in reliability.  This is hardly appropriate.  It’s difficult to avoid the suspicion that the system was intentionally “stacked” to provide heavy leverage to a few special interests, and very little influence to those who are most knowledgeable about</